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Culture War Roundup for the week of May 11, 2026

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There's another one, which is that the law is moved by people more patient than you or I.

It might have been persuasive a year ago.

Isn't the more parsimonious explanation that the Court wants to see what the En Banc 3CA does with ANJRPC.

That's the popular explanation. As soon as SCOTUS grants cert for any hardware case, ANJRPC freezes; thus SCOTUS has to hold certiorari votes until ANJRPC releases.

But the timeline kinda breaks down. SCOTUS has seven conferences (including today) left in this session: that's a public schedule, they don't change it, and while it's technically possible to hold cases over from one conference to another, it's rare. As far as I can tell, it's literally unprecedented to have a cluster of cases with this many relists held over from one session to another, or for even one case with this many relists and a broad constitutional right applications (rather than a capital case) to be held over. So there's a strict timeline where some decision, to grant, deny, or hold over, has to happen on June 25th, to be published June 29th, or in the immediately following unofficial clean up conference (typically the last week of June or the first week of July).

ANJRPC had oral arguments October 15, 2025. In theory, the Third Circuit sets an aspirational goal of 120 days between oral arguments and decision, but that's a joke, especially in en banc or politically contentious discussions. We didn't get an ANJRPC opinion in January. In practice, a typical case in this class of discussion would take six to ten months, and this isn't a typical case. It's a consolidation of three different cases (ANJRPC was mostly about magazines, Cheeseman on assault firearms and licensing, Ellman on assault firearms and the 'substantially similar'), ANJRPC itself was previously GVR'd by SCOTUS, an underlying district court decision was an absolute charlie-foxtrot that cabined the matter to one specific model of rifle, so on. ANJRPC-the-organization is hoping on June 30th, aka 'too late' for SCOTUS.

There's also very strong incentive for the Third Circuit to not issue a decision until after Wolford is issued. The case itself isn't likely to matter much, since Wolford is a sensitive places case and probably a pretty limited one focused on the vampire rule, but no matter what direction ANJRPC goes they don't want an immediate GVR to review in light of Wolford. But Wolford had oral arguments January 20th, 2026. And while SCOTUS moves faster than the Third Circuit, and determines when Wolford is issued, most courtwatchers are predicting the last week of May or mid-June. Even if Wolford's opinion releases in May 21st, and it has little relevant dicta, the Third Circuit would be rushed to publish before June 25th. If Wolford isn't going to issue until June 11th -- and SCOTUS can estimate that better than we can! -- then there's zero chance.

((If ANJRPC gets enough votes to go in a pro-gun direction, there's also a nontrivial chance that a judge on the dissent could be hold the case up just to delay things even if Wolford dropped today. There's precedent for that in the 4th Circuit.))

That's weirder still because SCOTUS has a procedure for silently holding certiorari grants if they're waiting on some other actor, even after the question was fully briefed. ANJPRC's last go-around is actually an example, here: it was held in abeyance from August 25, 2021 to June 29, 2022. And that can happen for pretty arbitrary reasons: other relevant cases SCOTUS are hearing is the most common, but possible settlement agreements or waiting for lower court opinions both happen.

Now, SCOTUS doesn't have to do that. But if SCOTUS knew in December that they weren't going to grant or deny for six-plus months, relisting the cases for every following conference just makes these cases higher-profile, and the tension is only heightened by Snope's aftermath. At minimum, it makes no sense to have scheduled Duncan in November, months before Wolford even had oral arguments.

The current holding pattern is worse than any alternative for any judge that wouldn't grant cert outright. Snope itself would have just filed away in the increasing pile of Funny Thomas Dissents like Harrel v. Raoul if it had died at seven relists rather, and might not have even registered on even gunnie-legal-sphere radars if it died at the first conference. It'd still be humiliating for Kavanaugh to deny cert when he specifically highlighted a couple of these cases, and it's only getting more humiliating with each relist.

There's also a very ugly and very political argument about whether Roberts, of all people, wants ANJRPC to issue any opinion at all before SCOTUS can see the case again. The elephant in the room is Emil Bove, who was appointed just before the Third Circuit pulled the case up for en banc review before judgement. He's contentious and perceived as a Trump hatchetman. He's also basically the only chance the case has for a Bruen-compatible result, and it's a long shot.

It's also the last of the post-Bruen GVRs.

There's not really many good options from the institutionalist perspective. And Roberts is nothing if not an institutionalist.

  • If ANJRPC upholds the various gun bans, or sets a sizable majority outside of the category of being "arms in common use", you don't need to be The_Nybbler to see that the lower courts are in full revolt. That's the default case, since that's what the lower courts did last time around, and there's been more Biden appointees added to the en banc panel than Trump ones. Roberts (and Kavanaugh) gets no new information but that they've been burned, and Roberts specifically doesn't want that information to be highly publicized.
  • If ANJRPC faithfully applies Bruen, even if it doesn't strike down all or even a majority of the laws, by a slim margin, it widely telegraphs that the only way to get progressive-leaning circuits to follow the law is to appoint Literally Donald Trump's lawyer. That kills the blue slip system, it burns a massive amount of credibility for the institutionalist project, and it fulfills the very criticisms of the Federalist Society approach that Trump brought as support for Bove. Then SCOTUS either has to throw the inevitable appeal on the docket as soon as possible, GVR in light of a case that's now dropping late in 2027, or risk having oral arguments and a major gun control opinion drop during the middle of the 2028 election season, either in ANJRPC or from a late-granted case in this cluster being held over for a year. Even just permanently punting on hardware bans, and making Snope's statement into an overt lie, looks pretty bad for the court as an institution. And to do that, Roberts has to talk Kavanaugh into abandoning hardware cases, permanently.
  • If ANJRPC is a mess -- an order with six different not-quite controlling opinions, remanding back to the lower court for fact-finding that doesn't exist, one of those 'x joins y for I-A and III-z but not the rest of the opinion' things -- it gets even worse, as now either the lower courts are so partisan that they can't handle a long-standing case in a consistent way, or so partisan that they can't even figure out how to defy Bruen, or they're genuinely confused by Bruen. That cordons off any later attempt to 'refine' Bruen: it spells out that it isn't happening throughout the country. Another one of those 'Roberts would rather chew glass' things.