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The original intention of the whole Bill of Rights was that it was a limitation on the Federal government only. For SCOTUS to interfere in the internal affairs of a state in the name of enforcing the federal Bill of Rights would have been an unacceptable abridgement of state sovereignty according to both the Federalists and the Anti-Federalists.
I think the preambulatory clause of the 2nd amendment has something to do with the intended meaning - it would be odd if it was a pure rhetorical flourish on the part of the 1st Congress. The obvious interpretation of "A well-regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free State" is that the drafters of the 2nd amendment expected someone to be regulating the militia, and given the structure of the original constitution, the power to regulate the militia is shared between Congress and the states, and founding-era practice was that the power retained by the states included powers that the modern 2nd amendment movement would prefer the states not to have.
Part of the problem here is that there isn't a standard originalist theory of how the Bill of Rights became incorporated against the States. The relevant original intent is the original intent of the framers and ratifiers of the 14th amendment, and this is hard to work out because the Jim Crow-era SCOTUS rendered the Privileges and Immunities clause nugatory in a way which was almost certainly not compatible with the intent of the Reconstruction Congress. In practice originalist thought cashes out as "the 1860s Congress intended to reach back in time and impose a 1790s understanding of the Bill of Rights on the States" which usually leads to coherent law even if it doesn't make sense as political history. But it doesn't give a clear answer in cases where the 1790's understanding of the Bill of Rights doesn't make sense without federalism, like the Establishment clause, or the carefully negotiated compromise about who controlled the militia. Local byelaws against going armed in urban areas were a lot rarer in 1790s America than in the UK (where they were ubiquitous) but nobody at the time thought they were constitutionally problematic (except in Vermont, which had a much broader RKBA clause in its early state constitution than the other states), ditto state-level bans on gun ownership by free blacks if you want a less happy precedent.
The other problem is that handguns that actually worked were not available at the time of the founding, so applying the 1790's understanding of the RKBA to the most important questions in modern gun policy (which are largely about routine concealed carry of handguns) involves somewhat strained hypotheticals.
There are some law review articles arguing why Slaughterhouse was correctly decided, which even if not persuasive, marshal some interesting evidence against the now-common position that Slaughterhouse was beyond wrong.
Rehabilitating the Slaughterhouse Cases by Maltz
Privileges or Immunities by Hamburger
The Fourteenth Amendment and the Privileges and Immunities of American Citizenship by Lash (book, not article)
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