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I think you might not have read my link. The solicitor general legit told the court that the gov't could ban books with their interpretation of campaign finance law, and this is considered a pretty big turning point in the case.
Why did you bring it up then? And why are you still trying to have it be the linchpin of your position? Like, your entire second paragraph is saying that everything is totally kosher specifically because of this. But if this is totally irrelevant, why are you even talking about it?
But the majority in Citizens United barely mentions either vagueness or overbreadth, and even then only in regard to rejecting suggestions that it could save the law through a limiting instruction. Ditto re the book hypothetical; it discusses it only in the section in which it concludes that "the Court cannot resolve this case on a narrower ground without chilling political speech,"
I didn't bring it up. You did. You said: "Suppose a person is literally just selling goods. In exchange for money, they give up their legal right to that good. This is a quid pro quo, but not one that is of any real concern." And then, "I mean, dis gon b gud to watch videos of the prosecutors trying to make the case to the jury, "So, here's how you make a valuation for a scandalous story involving a political candidate..." Like, how could you even possibly make that case?" To which I responded: "? But,they aren't claiming that she provided services for less than the usual going rate."
Look, as a matter of law, either 1) Cohen's initial payment was a "contribution" that had to be reported, or it wasn't; or 2) Daniels's forebearance was a "contribution," or it wasn't. If one of those was a contribution, and Trump misreported the money paid to Cohen as legal fees with the intent to evade reporting it as a contribution, he is guilty of a felony. If neither was a contribution, or if he did not have that intent, he is guilty of a misdemeanor. The language re providing goods on the cheap is meant to address attempts to evade the law by disguising de facto financial contributions. It has nothing to do with this case. The theory of the case re federal campaign law is entirely different.
Yeah, this is pretty important. Our interaction now is you standing at the Supreme Court, and they're giving you a chance to argue that there is some narrower grounds on which they can rule; that they can preserve something without allowing the gov't to ban books or talking to foreigners. If you fail to provide those grounds, they're going to conclude that it is simply not possible to rule more narrowly, and you're going to lose broadly.
You said:
But, the obvious thing here is that the quo is the money paid for such. So, similarly to how the Solicitor General didn't proffer, "Oh hey, we can totes ban books," instead it was Justice Alito who said, "Uh, doesn't your argument just imply that you can ban books?" You didn't start off saying it. I just pointed out that your position clearly implied it, and you've been trying to defend said position ever since.
And my response to essentially this way back up was:
So far, you've been defending the line that "buying a diet coke needs to be reported". If you want to repudiate that line, fine. If you want to intentionally not take a position on what counts as a campaign contribution, say it. If you want to intentionally not take a position on whether either (1) or (2) properly satisfies the definition, say it. Otherwise, actually say what you think the definition includes and why either (1) or (2) falls within that scope.
No, it isn't! The quo is political favors. "The hallmark of corruption is the financial quid pro quo: dollars for political favors." Federal Election Comm'n v. National Conservative Political Action Comm., 470 US 480, 497 (1985). We are back to the original point that ALL contributions must be reported, because that reduces the risk of the perception of corruption. Not just quid pro quo. So, IF forebearance is capable of being a quid, then it makes sense that is must be reported as a "contribution."
No, I really haven't. That is some weird hypothetical you made up. As I said, if a vendor contracts to provide cokes or food or whatever to the campaign at a price below normal, that is an in-kind contribution under the law, and rightfully so, because it an obvious way to disguise what is in reality a campaign contribution. No one cares if someone gives a candidate a single can of coke, and even if that did count as something that has to be reported, so what? How does that render the law invalid, under any existing jurisprudence? "'The Constitution does not prohibit legislatures from enacting stupid laws.'". New York State Bd. of Elections v. López Torres, 552 US 196 (2008) [
So, what is the money that he paid for? Like, when Trump buys a diet coke, it's entirely possible that the diet coke is the quid and political favors is the quo. But then, what's the money for?
Exactly. IF a diet coke is capable of being a quid (which you surely have said that it is thusly capable), then it makes sense that it must be reported as a "contribution". Oh wait, that doesn't make any sense at all!
Because it's not just a stupid law. Again, let's go back to CU. The challenge is, "This law seems to allow you to ban books." "The Constitution does not prohibit legislatures from enacting stupid laws." Like, no, dude. That's not even in the right realm of response. This law obviously makes so little sense, at least given the way you're interpreting it, that it would pretty blatantly run up against major Constitutional concerns. If you can draw a line that avoids letting the gov't ban books/requiring every purchase of diet coke be reported, then maybe the Court will adopt your line. But simply digging in your heels and saying that you don't need no stinking lines and it doesn't matter if it's stupid, just let us do what we want to do and prosecute Orange Man on grounds that would never fly otherwise and would never be used in any other case... isn't going to get you anywhere.
? He paid for her silence. It is her silence that benefits him. That is the forbearance.
It is not how I am interpreting it. It is how the FEC interprets it, in their regulations
What Constitutional concern? Name one, with supporting authority, not one that you make up. Because when the Court says ""The Constitution does not prohibit legislatures from enacting stupid laws" but you say, "yes it does," I am going to think the Court is right, not you.
I don't have to draw a line re banning books, because the Court can simply say that the law as applied to book bans, is invalid.
Re coke cans, that is easy: "A contribution includes sales of goods or services at below normal market value, where such sales from a single source total more than $1,000." No free cokes must be reported!
This is just bullshit. As it happens, my position is: 1) the sole purpose of the prosecution is to enhance the future electoral prospects of Alvin Bragg; 2) the prosecution will help Trump; 3) the prosecution of a candidate for high office sets a terrible precedent; such prosecutions should only be for very, very, very serious crimes.
Anyhow, I still have no idea what your claim is re this particular prosecution. You keep talking about coke cans and books, but what does that have to do with this case?
Right, and when Trump buys a diet coke, the money is to compensate for the seller forgoing the use of that diet coke. So far, your reasoning still applies to buying diet coke.
Right, and if they go to the Supreme Court and say that they can
ban booksprosecute people for not reporting their diet coke purchases, they're going to lose.They have ruled that the Constitution only allows them to implement campaign finance laws for the purposes of reducing quid pro quos or the appearance thereof, where one of the quid or the quo is political favors, not just money.
Similarly, the law as applied to simple transactions where money is exchanged for other things (at the normal market rate, as Trump apparently did), is invalid.
Then Trump is probably fine. He paid normal market value! This would be as a matter of legal fact, nothing to do with politics/political motivation/etc. Just a fact about the law.
Except that providing goods and services for below-normal prices is not the only way to make an in-kind "contribution." The rule re providing goods and services for below-normal prices is not at issue here. It does not seem to be the theory being relied upon by the DA.
But they are not saying that. You are arguing that the rule defining contributions to include providing goods at below normal prices is invalid, even though it has been around forever and has withstood judicial scrutiny.
Yes, for the ten-thousandth time, THERE IS NO REQUIREMENT THAT THERE BE AN ACTUAL QUID PRO QUO. Avoiding the APPEARANCE is enough, which is why ALL CONTRIBUTIONS must be reported, including providing goods on the cheap FOR MONEY.
?Similarly to what? Banning books is an obvious First Amendment violation. Requiring a campaign to report expenditures and receipts is not.
Again, the claim is not that Stormy Daniels provided goods and services at below-market values.
....so, for probably the fifth time... what is the theory? Every single time I've asked, you've simply gone back to, "They have to report, because it could be below market value." If that's all you've got, we can be done here.
For the ten-thousandth time, THAT IS NOT WHAT I SAID. I said:
If their rules actually have that purpose and are tailored appropriately for it, they're okay. If they're obscenely poorly tailored... like, for example, if their rules allow them to ban books... then it's not going to fly. They need to link their rules, and the purpose of those rules, to reducing quid pro quos or the appearance thereof. Before you again misread this and impute to me a claim that I think they must show an actual quid pro quo, that is NOT what I'm saying, and you're just lying if you impute it to me again.
If those requirements actually touch literally every member of the campaign's grocery bills, I'm pretty sure we're getting close.
WHAT IS THE CLAIM?!?!?!
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