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Notes -
The Colorado Supreme Court holds:
[recent related discussion, slightly older]
The Colorado Presidential Primary is scheduled for March 5th, for both parties. As the decision notes, January 4, 2024 is "the day before the Secretary’s deadline to certify the content of the presidential primary ballot)"; while the matter is open to further stay should federal courts intervene, such an intervention would itself determine at least the state presidential primary.
How are the procedural protections? From the dissent:
And the other dissent:
and
Did the Colorado Supreme Court provide a more serious and deep analysis of the First Amendment jurisprudence, at least?
There are interpretations here other than that of the Russell Conjugation: that stochastic terrorism is limited to this tiny portion of space, or perhaps that shucks there just hasn't ever been some opportunity to worry about it ever before and they're tots going to consistently apply this across the political spectrum in the future. They are not particularly persuasive to me, from this expert.
Perhaps more damning, this is what the majority found a useful one to highlight : a sociology professor who has been playing this tune since 2017.
If you put a gun to my head, I'd bet that this is overturned, or stayed until moot. But that's not a metaphor I pick from dissimilarity.
The ruling is absurd, but the Constitution is pretty clear that states get to decide how their elections are run, including their national elections. The only Constitutional caveats are that Congress can weigh in on Article I elections (legislators), and that the states must be structured in a republican way (i.e. representative democracy). Here are the (partial) instructions for Article II elections:
If Colorado's legislature (or its sometimes-mouthpiece, the state court) says Trump can't be on the ballot, then Trump can't be on the ballot, and from a Constitutional standpoint, that's the end of the story. One Constitutional way out I see here is maybe a Fourteenth Amendment complaint of some kind, but the conservatives on the court are likely to be leery of that, and the progressives on the court will simply refuse to rule in Trump's favor no matter how much they may need to torture logic to get there.
My primary hesitation is Chief Justice Roberts. He is a pragmatist to the core, and may just oppose the chaos that would result: a likely domino-effect of progressive states using this ruling to (definitely) eliminate Trump from their ballots and (possibly in the future) even eliminate conservative candidates through bog-standard abuse of process. I could see Roberts relying on "The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican Form of Government" from the Constitution with precisely the intent of preventing political chaos, but in doing so he would do pretty direct harm to the plain language governing Article II elections.
I'm less acquainted with any federal election statutes that may apply, but prima facie I would bet cautiously against this being overturned--on grounds that Roberts, as an establishment man, may find his distaste for Trump encouraging him to affirm the strength of Article II. This would be a victory for establishment Republicans as well as a victory for Trump haters. But I can imagine Roberts imagining the electoral chaos of an affirmation, because that result would make the 2000 and 2020 elections look tame by comparison; faced with such a vision, he could very well flinch. So I would expect Trump's team to work that angle hard--assuming there are any competent lawyers remaining who are still willing to represent him.
Parties are private organizations, though. They can just disregard the Colorado primary in deciding which candidate to back in the general election, can't they?
The Colorado GOP was already threatening to go to a caucus system before this; there's near certainty that they'll try to do so now. The federal GOP's rules normally hold that :
And that his choice must be made before October 1st of 2023:
But there's a few very broad exceptions, and even before touching the exceptions there's going to be serious arguments that the Colorado primary system no longer is a "vote that permits a choice among candidates".
Whether they can functionally assemble it, and whether some new principle will apply after they have done so, are exercises for the terrified viewer.
To what end? Assuming they had the caucus system in now and Trump were to be win the nomination (regardless of if he won in CO's caucus or not), the same reason for stripping him from the primary roster is also true for the general election roster.
It just kicks the can down the road til the (deadlines for the) general election. Which is kinda a joke, but it's also kinda not.
There's one extent where the decision doesn't matter, because the Colorado primary and even general vote doesn't matter, and steps made here on the primary ballot will be swamped by actions taken for the general ballot here and elsewhere.
But there is absolutely an army of progressive twitterati champing at the bit, from Whitehouse or the White House on down, to take the acceptance or even delayed denial of an appeal -- which is discretionary! -- as evidence that the conservative side of the court -- did you know that Gorsuch is the justice assigned to the 10th Circuit, which includes Colorado? -- has been utterly compromised and is willing to sell out the Constitution to defend and promote the unlawful and doomed campaign of a monster, an insurrectionist, and a Republican. Punting at least avoids attacks on the 'shadow docket'; having months rather than weeks buys a lot of opportunity to have genuine arguments or, in the best case, to produce a per curiam opinion.
((Unfortunately, I think a lot of legal eagles are only considering it in these frameworks, while worse risks bubble under the surface. And there are probably a good many more tactics going on that I am not aware of or able to consider with five minutes of a novice's thought.))
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