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Notes -
Following up on a past comment on abortion by @naraburns: https://www.themotte.org/comment/250966?context=3#context.
ProPublica really found a fertile topic with this one and my liberal friends (i.e. all of them, I live in a major city) keep bringing them up. Most of the articles were about as bad as the one described in the above comment but they did lead me to Zurawski v. State of Texas: https://www.txcourts.gov/media/1458610/230629.pdf.
As expected, the lawyers on both sides need to deal with a judge instead of newspaper readers so the arguments are considerably more reasonable. The court ruled in favor of the state but some of the suggested changes to the law sound pretty reasonable to me? The one big change was to the heartbeat law: there are occasionally pregnancies which are "clearly" terminal but the fetus' heart is still beating. The example brought up in the case was a late-term miscarriage. There doesn't seem to be much of a point to delaying abortion in that case. Any comments from the more medically inclined members of this forum on how common and obvious such situations are?
Aside: this felt like an argument against judicial independence to me. Extreme cases of fetal demise can be complicated (right?). Ideally, the legal regime around them would be flexible and account for the individual nuances of every case. How could this be implemented in practice? Easy: by appointing a reliable third party to examine individual cases and make a reasoned determination. I.e. a judge! And we do this all the time! So, why did the Texas state legislature feel the need to enshrine such a restrictive standard (no fetal heartbeat) into the law? Obviously "politics" but the politics needs to come from somewhere and the source here i think is activist judges. Because judicial independence is just a nice way of saying that judges are out-of-control and cannot be disciplined in practice (as the ninth circuit loves to remind us). The only means of control left are occasional reversals by superior courts (which themselves aren't under legislative control) and extremely precise laws. In a hypothetical tyranny, judges could be subject to fine-grained discipline and therefore trusted with far more responsibility.
It was easy for ProPublica to find a fertile topic here since they were willing to fertilize it with bullshit themselves. Which is to say, they skirted the truth in ways which I think are properly characterized "lies", even if someone might be able to say "well, technically...". One of the clearest cases is
If you check the Texas code on abortion, Chapter 171, you find
So how can ProPublica say the law did not define "medical emergency"? Well, "the law" in that case was Subchapter H, Section 171.201 et seq. The definition of "Medical emergency" was pre-existing in Section 171.002. Same chapter, and you can see above the definition explicitly applies to the whole chapter (including the new law). So as close to a lie as you can get without technically being an untruth.
The biggest problem with the medical exceptions is that there is no confidence among the medical community that any medical abortion won't be investigated and prosecuted. Ken Paxton has already demonstrated that he's willing to challenge a TRO and threaten hospitals with prosecution and other penalties if he doesn't think a particular abortion is covered by the exception. If option A means potential prosecution and option B means a possible hike in malpractice insurance premiums, option B wins every time. You never want to put yourself in a position where the only thing standing between you and a lengthy prison term is whether you and a tribunal have the same understanding of "imminent" or whatever. The upshot is that the only time doctors and hospitals are comfortable using the medical exception is when the woman is on her deathbed, and you end up hearing stories about bad situations that are made worse by delayed action.
At least from reading the supreme court opinion, that is not the impression I got. Of course, most doctors won't read the opinion. Instead, they'll get their information from rags like ProPublica so you might well be right.
But... assuming that doctors do read the SCOTX opinion, the rule is that as long as any reasonable doctor agrees that an abortion complies with the restrictions of the law, the doctors are in the clear. That sounds like a pretty lax standard to me? As in, as long as the defendants are able to produce any medical authority in good standing that agrees with them, they're in the clear.
The specific situations in the lawsuit back this up. The women in the lawsuit were not in any danger of impairment/death (beyond the usual pregnancy risks). A late-term miscarriage carries some probability of infection and it's not even clear this is a high probability (thoughts from actual doctors?). It does seem like an unnecessary risk (and imposition) to the mother imo but that's where my comments on the heartbeat law come into play. The guidelines for doctors at least seem to be clear.
No. They'll get their information from their insurers and from the legal departments at the hospitals where they're employed, and I guarantee you that the attorneys involved aren't basing their advice on Pro Publica articles. The doctor in the Cox case wanted to perform an abortion, but was told by the hospital administration that they would only allow it if there was a court order. The doctors are directly consulting with sophisticated parties who can't tell them what the law is, exactly, and they're asking the courts to grant permission ahead of time to avoid potential criminal liability.
That is explicitly not what the opinion says. To wit:
The standard is objective and not subjective. We don't make a determination that the doctor herself is "reasonable" and then defer to her judgment. We don't ask the doctor to point to some outside authority supporting her decision and back off so long as she can provide one. The bojective standard requires the jury to place themselves in the shoes of a hypothetical "reasonable doctor" and determine if the defendant's actions were in line with what this fictional doctor would do. When the court continues the quote above to say that
They are simply stating that Dr. Karsan did not use the appropriate test. They are not saying that Dr. Karsan's actions would have met the test. What this effectively means is that the legal reality of whether an abortion falls within an exception is something that can only be determined by a court, after the fact. Doctors can make educated guesses about edge cases, but simply stating that they believed the abortion was necessary, or believed their actions were reasonable, or believed the exception applied, or can support their conclusions with 500 citations to the medical literature is ultimately irrelevant, because these subjective beliefs do not, in and of themselves, make the doctor's actions objectively reasonable.
Fair enough.
The court addressed this specifically in IV.A. Specifically, on page 22, they state:
(Footnotes elided.)
The opinion has more exposition on this (and I assume the case they refer to has even more). It does not seem to be as unreasonable a standard as you seem to imply.
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The doctors in this case got their information from the Texas attorney general, who publicly threatened to prosecute them if the lower-court order allowing them to perform the abortion didn't hold up on appeal (as, in the end, it didn't).
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