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Culture War Roundup for the week of February 24, 2025

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Seems like a generally weak argument in so much that it relies on a premise of self-interest as a central part of its disproof, without having defined self-interest, thus allowing the supposition of what self-interest entails in order to deny its relevance as a way to disprove (or rather, prove) the premise.

But this is practically the 'Limits of Economics 101' example - people are not perfectly rational people if you define their interests in [specific form]. Money, typically, or 'material self-interest,' but other forms too.

It's pretty obvious that Scott is trying to tie 'self-interest' to the material sense, because he drops the self-interest line of argument entirely once he has his 'inflation is bad but not everyone's triggered by their self-interest!' argument. The last reference of self-interest is entirely in the material sense, as part of the transition to 'if it's not material self-interest, what does drive political disagreement?'

And self-interest never rises again, despite the plenty of self-interests invokable in the remaining part of the argument. He just changes the topic to quote-unquote non-material disputes.

So when he ends on this point-

That is, this theory predicts that a faction could vastly increase its chances of achieving its material goals just by making compromises on who it flatters vs. humiliates.

The answer is- duh. Not being humiliated by people in power is a self-interest. It is, in fact, something that strongly coincides with your material self-interest, because a political faction can not only do the material deprivation as a means of humiliation, but repurpose those material interests (assets, jobs) for their non-material interests.

Which makes the more accurate expansion some form of-

A political faction could vastly increase its chance of achieving its material and not-material goals just by making compromises on whose material and non-material interests it prioritizes.

Which, again. Duh. And also- in no way a counter-argument of conflict theory, when conflict theory encompasses political disputes in general.

Which, of course, Scott avoids having to deal with by semantically gerrymandering the subject in the first sentence to exclude conflicts that aren't 'material' in nature.

Which is just a 'no true Conflict Theory' fallacy as a foundational premise.

There’s a pretty strong example of conflict theory in Texas politics right now- school choice. The Catholic Church is a major booster that sends requests to everyone on their email lists to contact legislators and ask for it to pass, with obvious self interest. Totally not union public school teacher associations are strongly opposed, with barely less obvious self-interest. Republicans need to keep the Catholic Church’s criticisms quiet, so they back schoolchoice to the hilt, democrats need backing from totally-not-unions, guess where they land.