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I'm sure @gattsuru will have a more full analysis, but the Second Amendment case US v Hemani just dropped. The Supreme Court found that a man who unlawfully used a controlled substance cannot, by doing so, become automatically prohibited from possessing firearms. The big shock in this case is that it was 9-0.
Unfortunately, as is to be expected, the decision is so narrow as to likely not affect any other case.
It's one of those rough cases where there's not really a lot to talk about.
Will give a mea culpa that, when the case first got cert, I expected it to be either a loss or even-more-limited than this.
In theory, this is a big deal, since there's tens of millions of recreational pot users, and not a zero overlap with gun owners. In practice, this law was almost never brought as a random conviction: even in Hemani's case the feds were probably using it as a workaround for the multitude of other allegations that would have been harder to prove. Rough fermi estimate says low hundreds of charges on an annual basis, two or three thousands of extant prisoners, and for a lot of them there's indica of addiction, or individualized danger, of present intoxication, or of serious addiction. And pleas that get complicated when it comes to appeals. They might still get off with time served, or new cases brought, even if the feds could win in court, simply because no one really cases about the trivial cases enough to seriously fight it. But it's a limit in breadth.
While I'll argue against VanDerStok-style division of facial and as-applied challenges such that the as-applied ones are minimal, though, this case seems like a more natural use than most. If the feds had used this law as a real analogue to the habitual drunkard law, honestly, I don't think the court would have opposed it, and I don't think many gun orgs would have either. That's messy because a strict prohibition for marijuana definitely was within the original intent of the law, but it wouldn't be the first saving construction.
But in turn, the saving construction here isn't really splitting off parts of the law, just "you gotta try harder than this, bro". We'll see if that ends up mattering much at all.
There's some dicta fighting against the sometimes-hilariously broad levels of generality that the lower courts have been going with to justify pretty much any restriction. If lower courts were paying attention, the 'how' and 'why' emphasis could matter a lot. Big "if", though.
Makeup is kinda interesting. By the numbers, it's a unanimous 9-0. But Sotomayor and Jackson have a concurrence-in-judgement that's just an outright call to overturn Bruen and reinstate means-end scrutiny. And, notably, they do so without actually saying this conviction would fail under a means-end scrutiny. Kagan and Alito join a more conventional concurrence, where they basically say they'd stop at finding the habitual drunkard analog didn't cover this case. I think that's just dividing out the "Controlled Substances Act isn't tied to dangerousness as a category" reasoning, but I might be missing something more specific.
It's weird that it's come out before Wolford, which was argued months earlier. Not unprecedented, given the 'unanimous'-ish nature of this one, but suggests that there's a bunch of back-and-forths in Wolford's dissent.
It could make drug users dealing with ATF forms really interesting. And possibly some state permit-to-purchase laws go really weird. If lower courts apply it consistently. Gonna be real weird results downstream of it, but given New Jersey's reaction to Bruen, I don't expect them to suddenly get circumspect about past drug use.
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