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Culture War Roundup for the week of August 17, 2026

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There’s an interesting staff writer at The Atlantic, Tyler Austin Harper, who among other things is a sort of rare left-wing Black critic of left-wing academia (a sort of “origin story” here). When interviewed about said piece, and touching also on his opinions about the Arday scandal and aftermath, he was posed this question about not playing into the hands of conservative critics of left-wing academia (and left-wingers more broadly):

Gutkin: One of the reasons people might be unwilling, in general, to make hay about these incidents is that they perceive them as feeding into a right-wing campaign against the sector. You’ve been accused of that.

Harper: A lot of my politics and a lot of my writing are centered around a rejection of what I call state of emergencyism, an attitude where you say, “Look, some of these things might be right, but we’re in an authoritarian state of emergency with the Trump administration. Fascism is on the rise in America. Now is not the time to air our dirty laundry and make these institutional critiques. Those critiques need to be deferred to the post-emergency period.”

The problem, of course, is there is no post-emergency period. We’ve been living with rising right-wing authoritarianism in the United States for the better part of a decade, if not longer. This idea that we can defer institutional self-care, to use a woke idiom, until some imagined future date in which the tides of authoritarianism have been beaten back — that’s a fantasy.

This is not just a problem within academia. State of emergencyism is a brainworm that infects almost all liberal politics and liberal institutions today. I write a lot about the problems within the Democratic Party, and when I was writing about Biden’s very obvious senility, a critique I would get all the time is: “Look, obviously his brain is mush, right? But you can’t say that now.” I firmly reject that. We are where we are today in liberal institutions — whether it’s the Democratic Party or higher education — because we have constantly deferred the act of self-criticism to some imagined future date, and we’ve used Trump as an excuse to do that.

This had me thinking about “emergencyism” more broadly. I’m kind of coming around to the idea that this particular brainworm is, at risk of “both-sideism”, a pretty fundamental and widespread issue. On the left we have the above position. On the right we have a parallel idea that Republicans and Trump specifically only might have this small window of time to ‘correct’ and even avenge mistakes of the past, so they need to be thorough and extreme in order to punish those who allegedly schemed against them, abused institutional trends or structure for years, or implemented anything vaguely woke-sounding. Potentially even moderates, maybe they vote in low quality but comparatively “harmless” candidates for office too much (especially in the primary phase, to count).

Emergencies of course are dangerous, historically speaking. While there’s a bit of a chicken and egg problem, we still note examples as classic as the Reichstag fire and associated “emergencies”, Sulla in Roman times, various military juntas; we have Japanese internment, post-9/11 AUMF abuse (especially post-Iraq), assorted Cold War surveillance abuses, etc locally. At least top of my head, IRL they are legion. Real emergencies, abused.

Yet emergencyism as depicted is actually about moral or political panics, and the lowered self-standards that can accompany them. We’re talking here about witch trials, McCarthyism, satanic panic, Iraq WMDs, super predator fears, so on.

Harper himself I think feels a bit extra jaded because in his telling, excessive and even immoral racial justice drives occurred simultaneously with him getting tenure as a university professor and also the university’s unionization drive failing (crushed in part by the same firm Amazon used to suppress their own).

Properly, emergencyism seems to be a subset of a type of blatant partisanship, which is interesting because most of the advocates likely don’t think of themselves as partisans. Potentially it’s also downstream of bad-faith politics. However I tend to think that that’s too convenient an excuse. Most people aren’t actually thinking about things in terms of game theory. And ultimately this is not about “the other side” - it’s about YOU. What are MY morals? Obviously morals are cheap until challenged, and aren’t worth much if they never survive a challenge. It takes courage for a political group to embark on a course of self-betterment even in the face of dastardly opposition. Right?

Or are we totally in a post-moral political hellscape where might makes right and morals are dead?

(And more topically - do you agree that emergencyism is a thing on the left, and do you think it’s a thing on the right two, or that’s the wrong lens to use to make sense of the Trumpist blob?)

Gutkin: One of the reasons people might be unwilling, in general, to make hay about these incidents is that they perceive them as feeding into a right-wing campaign against the sector. You’ve been accused of that.

I find this attitude among journalists and academics - i.e. roles in society that are purported to be about seeking and publicizing truth and facts (obviously trade secrets and whatnot being exceptions) - to be infuriating. If you actually have a belief that these things are important, one of the first things that you should be willing to ignore and marginalize are your own personal partisan biases and ideological commitments, because any amount of education should make it obvious that those are some of the most powerful forces that drive one's behavior into irrational and incorrect directions. As such, if some truth or fact would "feeding into" the enemies' campaign, I should embrace it and be even more gung-ho about investigating it and publicizing it. That's the only way that I can credibly claim to care about discovering and teaching truth, rather than to care about pushing forward my ideological biases while wearing academia as a skinsuit to make people believe that I'm searching for the truth.

If revealing and spreading some scientific truth would play into my enemies' hands, then I ought to play into my enemies' hands.