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In other SCOTUS news, we have four more opinions published today.
Two of the cases involve very similar issues--Section 1983 claims for retaliatory arrest and malicious prosecution--but for some reason the breakdown of Justices is different.
Gonzales v. Trevino: A per curiam opinion, with separate concurrences by Alito, Jackson, and Kavanaugh, and a dissent by Thomas. Gonzales was arrested and charged with stealing government documents, based on her allegedly attempting to make off with a city council petition (possibly to cover up that she obtained some of the signatures on the petition under false pretenses). Alito's concurrence helpfully summarizes the facts of the case, and, in an unusual move, even includes links to Youtube videos of the incident! (Here and here, for your viewing pleasure). Gonzales admits that there was probable cause to arrest her, but she claimed her arrest was in retaliation for her protected speech criticizing other city officials. The relevant precedent, Nieves v. Bartlett, says that probable cause defeats a retaliatory arrest claim unless the arrestee can show that other people, who allegedly committed the same crime, were not arrested (which would imply that the arrest was motivated by the arrestee's speech, rather then genuine law enforcement concerns). Gonzales presented evidence that other people ... had been arrested, for slightly different crimes, but nobody had been arrested for doing exactly what she allegedly did (with no evidence that anyone else had ever tried to do exactly what she allegedly did). To me, this evidence seems irrelevant to the Nieves exception, which requires a showing that similarly-situated people were treated differently, which is not what Gonzales' evidence showed. But the majority decided it was good enough to, at least, merit further consideration by the lower court.
Chiaverini v. City of Napoleon: Kagan writes for the majority, Thomas dissents joined by Alito, Gorsuch writes his own dissent. A jewelry store owner allegedly bought a stolen ring. He was charged with receiving stolen property, dealing in precious metals without a license, and money laundering. Prosecutors later dropped the charges. Chiaverini brought a 1983 claim for malicious prosecution--which, again, requires proof that the government lacked probable cause to arrest him. The lower court threw out his claim because the first two charges were "clearly" supported by probable cause, even if the money laundering charge was not. The Supreme Court reversed, holding that if even one of the charges was not supported by probable cause, Chiaverini could have a valid claim. Both Thomas and Gorsuch, in dissent, seem to agree that malicious prosecution is not properly considered a constitutional claim for section 1983 purposes--the main difference is that Gorsuch relies on an opinion he wrote while a judge on the 10th circuit Court of Appeals.
Diaz v. United States: A case about expert witnesses in criminal trials. The most interesting thing about this case is that Thomas wrote the majority opinion, Jackson concurred, and Gorsuch wrote the dissent, joined by Sotomayor and Kagan.
Moore v. United States: A mind-numbing income tax case. Kavanaugh wrote the majority opinion, Jackson concurred, Barrett concurred joined by Alito, and Thomas dissented alone as is his wont. Most interesting to me, however, is the publication of a "statement" by Justice Alito, concerning Senator Richard Durbin's sending a letter to Chief Justice Roberts "urging" him to "ensure" that Alito recuse himself in the case. Durbin's letter was ostensibly based on the view that Alito could not be trusted to decide the case without bias, because David B. Rivkin, an attorney for the Petitioners in the case, once interviewed Alito for the Wall Street Journal. Alito points out that the mere fact he was interviewed does not give rise to a presumption of bias. In addition, he points out that Durbin's letter seems like a suspiciously isolated demand for recusal: Alito provides a half-dozen footnotes detailing the numerous times his colleagues on the Court have been interviewed by media companies and then gone on to decide cases wherein those media companies were parties. I had fun reading this, but I'm sure politicians will continue making baseless demands for recusal on similarly flimsy pretexts.
Rahami dropped today.
It's about what I and @The_Nybbler expected, and worse a Roberts opinion at that. Roberts did "not meant to suggest a law trapped in amber", and lower courts will quite happily take his already-extensive 'analogies' to permit nearly anything. Barrett continues to parade "Since the founding, our Nation’s firearm laws have included provisions preventing individuals who threaten physical harm to others from misusing firearms” and promise that this isn't a blanket permission slip for lower courts to turn into an interest-balancing approach that never recognizes gun owner interests, and no one with two brain cells to rub together should believe it. The progressives continue to argue in favor of overturning Bruen (and, implicitly, Heller), and beyond that just making that blanket permission no-gunnie-interest interest-balancing test the rule instead.
There's a separate Gorsuch concurrence, but, unsurprisingly, it is not going into the fine details of esoteric interpretations in some way that might help Second Amendment causes, and instead just to announce how much the court is punting.
In theory, the concurrences draw out a large array of other challenges to the same statute that would be more suspect, but we're several years -- and several far more sympathetic cases -- into SCOTUS punting on them, there's no way to bring a challenge without risking your freedom, and no guarantee that you'd not find yourself Abramski'd even if you did. The most optimistic gloss I can read is a bit of text for Range, but Range doesn't even have cert yet, and I would not be surprised to see him GVR'd for another three-year-delay.
It appears that by validating laws against "going armed in a way to spreads fear", they have sub silentio overruled Bruen in its entirety. But only sub silentio, so the Second Amendment is still valid for debate purposes, just not for bearing arms.
I don't share the blackpilled reading of this case that I'm seeing here. The vast, vast majority of gun owners have nothing to worry about from the narrow holding of this case. Even defendants who are similarly situated to Rahimi can plausibly argue for a different result in future cases.
First, Rahimi raised a facial challenge to the law. The only question before the Court, therefore, was whether the statute was unconstitutional in every single conceivable application. This means any future defendant may still raise an "as-applied" challenge to the law and argue that it shouldn't apply to their case. Since Rahimi's case was basically as bad as it could possibly be, it should be relatively easy to distinguish.
Second, it seems Rahimi did not contest the evidence of his numerous violent crimes. Even if a future defendant is accused of similarly egregious conduct, if he asserts his innocence, that alone would meaningfully differentiate his case from Rahimi's. To the extent gun owners are worried about "red flag laws" eroding due process, that issue was not addressed in this case, so it is fair game for a future challenge to the statute. The Court explicitly makes this point in footnote 2.
Third, the Court is careful to explain that historical gun regulations like the "surety and going armed" laws presumed that people had a right to carry guns in public. Their prohibitions on gun possession were limited to temporary disarmament of specific individuals based on a particularized judicial determination of their dangerousness. Meaning legislatures cannot use those cases, or Rahimi, as an excuse to prohibit broad swathes of the public at large from possessing or carrying guns.
Fourth, the Court explicitly rejects the government's argument that the 2A only applies to "responsible" citizens, whatever that means.
In no way does this case overrule Bruen, sub silentio or otherwise. The historical "going armed" laws, as already addressed in Bruen, did not prohibit public carrying of weapons for self-defense, so merely "validating" such laws (their validity was never challenged, just the degree to which they supported modern regulations by analogy) won't change anything.
I know progressive judges in the lower courts will grasp at any straw to ban guns, but that was already true before this case, and the Court expressly leaves open enough roads to challenge anti-gun laws that I don't see this opinion as realistically improving the lower courts' ability to hollow out the 2A.
No? You don't think every appeals court save the Fifth Circuit is going to read into the court's endorsement of the historical significance of laws against "going armed the the terror of the public" justification for a general prohibition on bearing arms publicly? Because I think it's pretty clear from recent history that it's exactly what they'll do.
The court said that the prohibition was justified if the court made a finding that the person subject to the injunction had committed domestic violence or if the court enjoined him from committing domestic violence (even if he had not committed it). That's sufficient to cover essentially all applications of the law. A court orders a man (and yes, 90+% of the time it will be a man, except in jurisdictions where such injunctions are automatically reciprocal -- and the courts will indeed carve out an exception for that case, if it comes up) to not do something already illegal, and he loses his Second Amendment rights.
The appeals courts will simply split hairs and say that those laws support not a complete prohibition, but whatever prohibition is on the table in the given case. Can't carry openly in one case (terrifies the public). Can't carry concealed in another (carrying concealed indicates you're up to no good). Can't carry this or that gun (too terrifying). Can't carry more than so much ammo (terrifying again). And the Supreme Court will respond to this with cert denied, as they have been doing.
Edit: When I, a citizen of the United States and the state of New Jersey, can walk into a gun store, buy a modern handgun and rifle, and carry both of them, loaded, across the state of New Jersey and to my office in New York, using either my own private transportation or public transportation, without running afoul of any laws, THEN I will believe the Supreme Court takes the Second Amendment seriously. Not until then.
Well, it turned out that putting all the “conservative” Catholics on the Supreme Court actually meant they only cared about that one Catholic issue (abortion) and issues related to that issue (religious freedom) and not, in fact, any other conservative policies.
The right confused the zealotry with which devout Catholics hated abortion and were willing to do anything, study anything, join any political movement and climb any hierarchy to restrict it for actual commitment to any other aspect of American conservatism. Now it turns out they’re just libs who hate abortion and have a mild (though likely not enough to rock the boat) distaste for gay marriage, but are otherwise pro-DEI, pro-immigration, pro-gun control and so on. Shocked Pikachu indeed.
It turns out that, save Justice Thomas, and perhaps Eugene Volokh, there are no elite conservatives in the field of law.
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