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Culture War Roundup for the week of March 2, 2026

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So as one of the resident Taiwan pessimists, I have surprising news. Contrary to all my expectations, Trump might have actually pushed back a Taiwan invasion. I'm always a little suspicious of the variable quality of Time magazine stories, but this laid out a pretty cogent case. First, my prior base case:

With the U.S. military depleted and distracted by a conflict on the other side of the globe, observers worried that Chinese strongman Xi Jinping may never have a better opportunity to move on the democratic island of 23 million, whose “reunification” he has called “the great trend of history.” The fear is that Trump’s transactional bearing and embrace of a “might is right” doctrine—both in his own actions and his ambivalence regarding Russia’s invasion of Ukraine—could be interpreted as a green light by Xi.

“Will Xi be tempted to take advantage of U.S. potentially exhausting smart munitions and attack Taiwan even if the PLA is not fully ready?” asks Prof. Steve Tsang, director of the SOAS China Institute at the University of London. “Possible.”

You can definitely still make this case. I'm almost tempted to. On a very substantial fact-based level, the US in the next 1-2 years especially will be possibly at the lowest level or readiness in a great while: large portions of the fleet will need refits, interceptor stocks will take years to recover even under optimistic scenarios, other precision munitions are also low, every conflict lowers US domestic appetite for more, and contrarily war would improve domestic approval within China that's otherwise a little grumpy with recent so-so growth. Additionally, there's some mild but decent evidence that US defenses are indeed still vulnerable to the new classes of hypersonic missiles. US capacity and abilities are sure to spike again in the 3-5 year time frame as the US not only implements highly relevant fixes to problems that have been exposed recently, but also continues to re-orient its efforts to prioritize things that threaten China more both directly and indirectly, so the window is real but closing.

However, on a more how-the-real-world-works level, war is less likely. Trump demonstrated quite clearly that the US military is far more capable and combat-ready than observers had assumed. It has the capacity to plan carefully thousands of targets, kidnap or assassinate world leaders (though with nuclear-armed China I disagree that this is very relevant), completely overwhelm air defenses without losses (including at least some amount of Chinese-made equipment in both Venezuela and Iran), sustain and project power across the globe, process an enormous amount of intelligence and surveillance with decent accuracy, and more. And clearly the President can unilaterally do whatever they want, with Trump in particular shedding a previous (avowed) aversion to conflict. DPP is not weak exactly, but definitely having some down moments compared to the more pro-China KMT within Taiwan, mildly raising hopes of a political reunification. And Taiwanese self-defense efforts as far as I can tell remain pretty lackluster despite continuing to shell out for some high end systems. Furthermore this is a tiny little dry run of how badly the global oil supply can get screwed with even a regional war, doubtless actual action would be worse, and I'm guessing China feels a bit of that pain.

And sure enough this seems to be the initial reaction. Here for example, we have a typical bellwether academic at a flagship university saying stuff like this:

Li Yihu, dean of the Taiwan Research Institute at Peking University, said the reunification process would enter an “accelerated phase” in the next five years and the mainland needed to do more to communicate an understanding of what he said was the inevitability of the process.

“Currently, we are doing very well in terms of building the capacity and the resolve to use [military deterrence], but we still need to work on ensuring that … both overt and potential adversaries fully understand the consequences of deterrence and the gains and losses,” he said.

He was referencing the deterrence theory of former US secretary of state Henry Kissinger, who argued that deterrence was a product of the physical military capacity to inflict damage, the resolve and willingness of leadership to act and the potential rivals’ perception and understanding of the deterrer’s power and resolve.

Reading between the lines, the obvious message is: wow, actually, the US is doing really well at deterrence recently in all of these three areas, especially demonstrated capacity and resolve, and China has, well, very little to show for its own efforts. No big operations besides military exercises. No real allies willing to pitch in. Unclear transmission of internal resolve to America, too. So in our how-the-world-actually-works framework, China is missing the essential psychological ingredients to actually pull off deterrence even if I still believe that in terms of the nuts and bolts, China could win pretty handily even if the US intervenes (in terms of a conflict itself) and has more cards to play in terms of the "how". They know it, too, but that's likely not going to be enough.

As such I'll take a predictive L in advance. My predictions about 4-5 years ago that a Taiwanese invasion would happen in approximately this timeframe was wrong. Difficult to foresee political factors significantly distorted the general strategic picture, which I assert remains accurate. My primary failing was underweighting the political side of things and the significant variance there, along with its impact on the strategic calculations necessary to pull the trigger on a big move.

I'm sorry, but it seems a bit of an unjustified update. Taiwan timeline likely didn't change a bit.

interceptor stocks will take years to recover even under optimistic scenarios

Right, the war with Iran has already wasted years' worth of production of interceptors, and you've even got a $1.1B radar and it seems multiple of those vaunted THAAD systems destroyed. This looks extemely bad for any future conflict with China but not because you'll take time to replenish this stuff. I've given to understand that Americans have a certain logarithmic sense for prowess of different adversary nations: Venezuela and Cuba are like "5-6", Iran and Russia are "7", China is maybe "8". In reality the differences are measured in the orders of magnitude. If Iran can exhaust these interceptors in a week, a massive Chinese strike would probably take hours to burn through Guam, Okinawa, and whatever is on Taiwan. They're making 31 million cars a year, just for example; mobilized, they can make not thousands but tens of millions of flying mopeds if they want. Interceptor-based defense is just inadequate against a superior industrial power; it barely works against an inferior one.

Yes, one can argue that this doctrine is getting obsolete if DEW-based defense advances, but similar logic applies to whatever comes next, and what's happening now isn't a case of getting caught by surprise – like a third of your naval power is in the theater, amid long-established bases, with local cooperation; and you've been watching the war in Ukraine for over 4 years, these are the same damn Shaheds (maybe with a few modifications) Russians had been using early on, from the OG Shahed maker. Where are Palmer Luckey's Roadrunners or Anvils knocking them out for cheaps? All these AI-driven turrets? Lasers, EW systems? The anti-ballistic front is less embarrassing but still economically sad. In light of all this, it's unclear to me why China would ever care about the "opportunity" presented by the US exhausting interceptors elsewhere.

Trump demonstrated quite clearly that the US military is far more capable and combat-ready than observers had assumed

This is a strange take too. Which observers believed that the US can't enjoy air superiority against Iran? Some doompillers who watched one too many recruitment ad with LGBT representation?

What actually matters is, for instance, whether they can detect and effectively engage your stealth aircraft. And this war is not teaching us much because Iranians don't have any modern Chinese assets or equivalents. I've been trying to find confirmations of hits of anything of that sort, because the entire internet is overflowing with claims how American-Israeli Power has proven inefficacy of Chinese temu radars/missiles. So far I've only learned that CENTCOM has taken out an HQ-2 SAM with something like a JDAM. It might be Sayyid 2, though. In any case both are close derivatives of the Soviet 75 Dvina, and 75 here is not for the year of commissioning, it actually dates back to 1957. It's probably the most widely deployed SAM in history, you've had trouble with it in Vietnam, and have learned a thing or two since then. There are some claims by pro-PRC third worldists and hawks alike that «China Arms Iran with 700km Anti-Stealth Radar Capable of Tracking F-35 and B-2 — YLC-8B» , and consequently now gloating that those radars have been destroyed. It's not impossible, after all having a long-range radar unit by itself doesn't imply you can react effectively, but I just hope that Americans and Israelis show photos of the wreckage. Same story with alleged Chinese missiles and everything else.

In Venezuela, it's not clear if any air defense systems were even operational, or stuck in half-disassembled mode. Looking up this stuff one is struck by the vast overrepresentation of American and Indian content, indeed Americans and Indians are becoming culturally indistinguishable.

The fear is that Trump’s transactional bearing and embrace of a “might is right” doctrine—both in his own actions and his ambivalence regarding Russia’s invasion of Ukraine—could be interpreted as a green light by Xi.

This is just … I don't know how to describe it, some mix of naive idealism and narcissism. Is Xi a dictator or nah? Why would he need a "greenlight" in the form of example of belligerence from his main pacing threat? Where would he cash it in? Nobody important in, say, Europe will claim that whacking Iran is morally or legally equivalent to conquering Taiwan, so it changes nothing and is only good for domestic rhetoric about Western hypocrisy. I guess Americans are so powerful that they can afford to be solipsistic, and so might overrate the value of domestic moral rhetoric in the general case. But even on that front, China is quite unified in believing that reunification, including by violent means, is justified. United States is no standard or paragon. It's not making invasion more likely.

and I'm guessing China feels a bit of that pain.

I think they've been quite sure they'll lose access to oil imports in the case of the full-scale war with the US, and will have to fight for it.

Basically I believe Americans strongly overrate how much their antics in random powerless Evil Nations affect Chinese plans one way or another way. They're just not informative.
If you think I'm a Chinese shill, here's a Chinese hawk with impeccable credentials: Tanner Greer.


The idea that the Iran operation was mostly about China, that it fundamentally changes Chinese perceptions of American strength, or that it has already altered the balance of power between China and America in any real way, is bizarre to me.
We know what metrics the Chinese judge their competition with the US by. We know the military measures they care about and we know the non-military elements of national power that they think are most important.
Very honestly: the upcoming war powers resolutions vote on Iran will likely matter more to Chinese perceptions of American capacity (if the admin fails to get the vote) than the actual military attacks on Iran. Not hard to predict the sort of analysis the Xie Tao types will write up.
To fundamentally change Chinese perceptions (or for that matter, realities, as IMHO the Chinese are largely looking at the right metrics) the Iran operation would have to change one’s answer to any of the following questions:

  1. Militarily: Does this operation mean that US carrier and amphibious ready groups can operate more safely within range of Chinese missiles?
  2. Militarily: Does this operation suggest that American, Japanese, and Taiwanese airbases, command centers, fuel depots, etc will be more resilient to the thousands of missiles pointed at them?
  3. Militarily: Does this operation demonstrate previously unknown capabilities of the two platforms American war plans turn around: stealth bombers (and/or their accessories—AWAC and refueling planes) or submarines?
  4. Militarily: does this operation demonstrate previously unknown space or cyber capabilities, and does it say anything meaningful about how America might fare once a war of attrition begins in space?
  5. Militarily: Does this operation give the Chinese reasons to think that nuclear brinksmanship might deter American and Japanese intervention? Does it suggest the Americans and Japanese are more willing to risk a war with a nuclear power than previously imagined?
  6. Militarily: Does this operation suggest that Americans, Japanese, or Taiwanese are less casualty averse than previously imagined? Does this operation signal anything important about the willingness of the American, Japanese, and Taiwanese public to sustain a bloody war over time?
  7. Politically: Does the Iran operation signal that Donald Trump and his administration believes that Taiwan is worth a war?
  8. Politically: Does the Iran operation show that the American people and American political parties can be easily rallied behind a protracted war effort?
  9. Politically: Does the Iran operation signal special commitment to South Korea, the Philippines, Australia, or Japan, or in any material way make it easier for those governments to take more forceful national security measures against the Chinese?
  10. Politically: Does the Iran operation make it easier for the United States to coordinate sanctions packages in moments of crisis, export restrictions, and so forth with foreign powers (eg Europe)?
  11. Politically: Does the Iran operation make it more difficult for China to pursue diplomatic agreements with anyone on the long run—the gulf states, Europe, Russia, India, etc?
  12. Politically: Does the Iran operation improve US-India relations in a way that might divert Chinese military investment away from Pacific theater?
  13. Politically: Does the Iran operation change any of societal weaknesses that the Chinese believe they have identified in American society, and which they think will doom its ability to sustain itself in long term geopolitical competition? (I could make these separate questions but here is the list: immigration and multiculturalism, right wing populism, political polarization, uncontrolled social media, the financialization of our politics and economy, racism, and general cultural decline).
  14. Economically: Does this operation damage the exports-driven economic growth that is currently sustaining the Chinese economy?
  15. Economically: Does this operation damage in any meaningful way China’s drive to create the greatest and most technologically advanced scientific ecosystem? Does it derail China’s drive to become the world’s leading scientific power?
  16. Economically: Does this operation restrict Chinese access to cutting edge technology, research, or science?
  17. Economically: Does this operation turn back American de industrialization? Does it make America, Japan, and Taiwan more capable of the mass production of military arms?
  18. Economically: Does this operation supercharge America’s own technological innovation (eg does it help us get faster to advance AGI)?
  19. Ideological security: Does this operation damage in any significant way the vast machinery China has built to influence political outcomes in foreign nations?
  20. ideological security: does this operation damage in any way or suggest deficiencies in China’s counterintelligence apparatus?
  21. ideological security: does this operation make liberalism or democracy nor any non communist system of rule more appealing to the Chinese people or to Chinese elites? Does it undermine the ideological coherence of the regime?
  22. ideological security: does this operation reduce Xi Jinping’s control of the military or allow opponents to him to coordinate more successfully than before?

Anyways you get the idea. The Party leadership sees geopolitical competition between the United States and China as a contest of technological supremacy. The long run weaknesses they see in the United States are political and cultural; in turn, the thing they fear most is ideological subversion of their own regime. Militarily they prepare for a no-holds barred fight over the waters of the west Pacific —the key factors there are the willingness of US, Japan, and Taiwan to be a part of that fight and then our ability to sustain it in the face of great losses in both men and machinery. The Iran stuff is orthogonal to almost all of that.

Which observers believed that the US can't enjoy air superiority against Iran?

I don't think air superiority is the right term for what the US enjoys above iran... What's above air supremacy? air superlativity?

The Coalition lost 70 planes in the first gulf war. Are there any confirmed plane losses, aside from the three who fell to Kuwaiti friendly fire? Or is this propaganda?

And the entire leadership was wiped out, that's new too. I thought the iranians had a chance to damage an american warship, since the ukrainians and argentinians managed to sink russian and english boats. It's a complete massacre, come on.

Firstly the US lost another F-15 to Iran, apparently they rescued the pilot, also lost a bunch of drones...

Secondly, air superiority in NATO parlance means 'the degree of dominance in the air battle of one force over another that permits the conduct of operations by the former and its related land, sea, and air forces at a given time and place without prohibitive interference by the opposing force.' It is not derived from calculating losses of aircraft.

Thirdly, there is nothing above air supremacy. If the US possessed air supremacy US forces would not be under air attack.

The US doesn't actually have air superiority, partially on a definitional level because this is a weird air-only conflict... Both sides are just bombing eachother. Also, the US doesn't have air superiority because Iran is also launching their own air attacks against US forces and Israel, at times and places of Iran's choosing. This is why the US is launching all these standoff attacks and long in-air refuelling chains to bomb Iran, why even Hegseth is saying it will take some time to achieve air superiority. If the US held air superiority they could move closer in, secure the straits of Hormuz against air attack and focus on bombing Iran.

Yeah, I believe the paradigm was mostly invented as a complement to combined arms warfare, and as you point out since this isn't traditional combined arms warfare (no ground troops) it doesn't really apply.

However I think it's too early to really say definitively how close to air supremacy they are, insofar as that makes sense to say. They're being careful, but clearly have a desire to start using more guided bombs than missiles (or even gravity bombs). Looking at the news, as of one or two days ago the US started using its nonstealth bombers: B-52's and B-1B's in Iran. That sort of hints toward yes, but IMO true air supremacy these days at least implies that you can use helicopters more or less freely as well, which is plainly not the case right now.