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Culture War Roundup for the week of February 20, 2023

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We have a fair number of Russians and Russophiles in here, so I thought I’d ask for opinions about Alexei Navalny.

He’s the subject of a documentary (one that could win an Oscar next month: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Navalny_(film)) which I watched recently, and I followed it up with a video mentioned near the end of the doc that his team made about Putin’s lucrative circle of corruption. As a skeptic, I know not to believe everything I see, hear, and read, but I was wondering if there is a deeper counter-argument to Navalny’s narrative and positions than, “He’s a tool of western governments/the CIA to besmirch Putin and Russia.”

In the documentary about Navalny (on HBOMax), he’s depicted as a jovial but committed critic of Putin, and one who has so annoyed the Russian leader, that Putin won’t even deign to mention Navalny’s name on TV, but refers to him only in the form of “that person.” Navalny is questioned briefly about his past appearances with questionable nationalist/racist political movements and he’s unapologetic, explaining that he’s trying to build a coalition that can challenge the establishment and can’t afford the luxury of turning anyone away (which is similar to how some supporters of Trump’s 2016 campaign explained his flirtations with Alex Jones and some less savory radio personalities). I don’t put much stock in official Russian accusations that its enemies are racists or Nazis, anyway, as I see those as arguments made in bad faith with the sole intention of eroding opposition enthusiasm and not as issues that Putin’s racially diverse and sensitive supporters actually care about. Its arguments-as-soldiers on top of pot-calling-kettle.

The documentary then depicts the aftermath of Navalny’s poisoning with a nerve agent, which hits him while in-flight across Russia, the fatal consequences of which are only averted by an emergency landing and, after some political jostling, his eventual release from a Russian hospital to seek care in Europe. While in recovery, Navalny teams up with a Bulgarian hacker to reveal the identities of the assassins, and they even trick one into discussing the details of the plot over the phone. It’s a bombshell scene, if it can be believed. (The filmmakers contend that the scientist who was tricked by Navalny’s impersonation of a post-mission auditor disappeared shortly after their conversation was made public.)

When Navalny returns to Russia, he is detained at the airport, and has been in prison ever since. But a couple of days after his arrest, his team drops a two-hour YouTube video titled “Putin's palace. The story of the world's biggest bribe” (https://youtube.com/watch?v=T_tFSWZXKN0&authuser=2), which details the formation of Putin's network of graft and embezzlement and how it has poured billions in state funds into the construction of a lavish secluded palace, in addition to providing jobs and housing for Putin’s mistresses and their families. Again, maybe it’s all false, but it’s densely reported and has a sheen of credibility.

So am I a fool falling for wholly concocted neoliberal propaganda besmirching the world’s only remaining champion of traditional values? What’s the direct counterargument to Navalny’s claims about Putin’s corruption or attempt to assassinate a pesky political opponent? I’m certain that Navalny is flawed, as are we all, and I am loath to trust any politician. But I like Navalny – he comes off as a “happy warrior” with a worthy cause – and he seems honest. Without resorting to ad hominem non sequiturs, tell me why I shouldn’t take him seriously? Even if he is a Nazi, is he wrong about Putin?

I've updated my estimates for his poisoning story and other botched poisonings to near 1.0 in light of the war. Main reason to doubt them was not lack of evidence but the prior for FSB, GRU etc. not being staffed by actual retarded mooks from some Austin Powers movie – I've lived my whole life under kakistocracy, but still… – uh, well.

With that out of the way: Navalny is a simple honest guy. He's not a liberal nor a Western agent of influence nor «another Putin». He is an extremely rare sort of a political figure – a Russian ethnic nationalist, with necessary civnat aspects. The notion of Russian Nationalism is, in the corner of the world that @Stefferi speaks from, usually conflated with «Russian Imperialism» and just generally «Russian», which is to say, dangerous scum. There is a difference, however. Nationalism holds that the state exists for Russian people, while Imperialism says, in effect, that Russian people are to be abused and impoverished, so that they seek dignity and livelihood through the collective greatness of the state.

This distinction may be hard to parse for Russian neighbors, because 1) they live in nation states or indeed ethnostates, and 2) their political culture is democratic – putting it bluntly, attuned to sensibilities of a humble xenophobic peasant. That implies absence of reciprocity, game theory, or any other nerdy high decoupler shit we indulge in here. The late Krylov, a more extreme nationalist than Navalny but of the same basic mold, had spent his life trying to explain to Russians why this is the way to go. His quote comes to mind:

If Russia is part of Europe and the Judaeo-Christian civilization, then it is among European countries. And it should behave like a European country.

How do European countries behave?

1 No European country recognizes itself as «on the fringes», even if it, in fact, is (like Romania, Croatia or Lithuania, say). On the contrary, it invents a version of history in which it has at least a place of honor. At the slightest opportunity this place changes from honorable to central. Or, well, one of the central ones.

2 Arrangements in the country are determined by considerations of convenience of the nation inhabiting this country. Moreover, every European country tends to impose (by force or covertly) those convenient arrangements on everybody else. It is possible to deviate from this principle and submit to supranational forces - but then those must PAY for it. Preferably not even with money but with market shares and a place in the distribution of labor. And respect for the identity is NON-NEGOTIABLE.

3 All those who oppose or doubt theses 1 and 2 are representatives of Evil so concentrated that everyone who «thinks the European way» should fight against them and stoop to any low, for the nature of this Evil does not allow squeamishness. If they call themselves «Westernists» and «liberals», they deserve especially cruel extermination - for blasphemy.

And so on. The problem is that our «Westernists» DO NOT WANT to be European and do NOT consider Russia to be a part of Europe. They regard it as the COLONY of Europe, and themselves as colonists. And as such – yes, «sodomites will walk in his streets and enter his house and sit on his head».

A typical Westernist in Russia is someone like the social anthropologist Alexandra Eikhenwald, who has said just a month ago that «The Eichenwald family has contributed enough to Russian culture and we don't belong here any more». What contributors does she include in her boast?

Uncle-in-law Semyon Brudnik, commissar of the 3rd Insurgent Regiment of Bogun, the first Ukrainian division of the Red Army, commanded by Shchors, which was particularly cruel to Russian officers and intelligentsia. «Was head of the finance department at Mosfilm», together with her aunt actually raised her. Grandfather Alexander Eichenwald who scientifically justified collectivization – «He had a paradoxical way of thinking, and tried to get to the bottom of everything. He stood for social justice, joined the Bolshevik Party at 16, was a member of the Bukharin School and authored the first monograph on the Soviet economy» – which contributed to a famine and several million deaths under Stalin. Got purged. And another grandfather, the most fondly remembered, Moysey Gorb - NKVD Senior Major, Molchanov's loyal aide. Purged too. Wiki about Molchanov: «1931-1936. - Head of the Secret and Political Department of the Joint State Political Directorate (OGPU) under the SNK - GUGB NKVD of the USSR, Commissar of State Security of the 2nd rank. As head of the key department of the GPU-NKVD of the USSR he was engaged in arresting all real and imaginary opponents of the Soviet power - peasants who opposed collectivization, Trotskyites, supporters of «rightwing opposition», clergymen, monarchists, ex-activists of minor parties, national movements, members of foreign communist parties, etc». Her parents already regressed to the mean: «dissident, poet, translator, critic», «teacher, human rights activist». All those names are mentioned as victims of oppression and great noble souls, with the quiet dignity of a lineage that has left an indelible mark in the history of Russian people.

But I digress. Hopefully you can understand, if not endorse, the fact that such candidates are non-starters in any sort of a democracy that asks Russians; and their friends too. Navalny is not a Westernist in this sense. Thus he is popular, yet harassed both within and without Russia. I suspect he came back after his poisoning precisely to avoid getting killed by some zealous «anticolonial» activist.

His position is unapologetically pro-Russian and pragmatic. Wars of expansion are bad because Russians die in them for no gain; some purported greatness of the Empire does not matter more than this toll. This calculation could have been different in another age; we should be content with how much was recognized after ages have changed. (The implication that things could conceivably change once more is not lost on readers seeking to find fault). Liberal parliamentary democracy is good: it allows for easier development and removal of corrupt parasites. Wokeness and anticolonial apologetics are bad because they get easily exploited by e.g. tribalist peoples from Caucasus. Racism bad: leads to delusions and precludes the possibility of cooperation with non-Russians who are amenable to that. Deportations of illegals and criminals; concerns about demographic replacement due to an open border with Muslim states; all that stuff. And so on and so forth – a systemic application of a position of a right-wing European politician who has a shot at winning, someone like Orban, Meloni or Zemmour. Even Trump, perhaps. That thread of his of his linked by @sliders1234, and the original Russian text, are both written from this perspective, and thus concede: commitment to 1991 borders, non-intervention in Ukrainian affairs, reparations, for the Russian benefit.

But consider QTs. «your country shouldn’t be developing. It should be paying for the development of the countries it hurt.» «The world needs sanctions to be sure russia doesn't have a possibility to start the war again» . «no no no. You guys have no say in it. You will pay reparations whether you like it or not. We don't care what is acceptable to you.» etc. This is a popular sentiment. Think of this for a moment, can you imagine an electable politician in any Western country – strike this, any country – being expected to cheer for his country' loss in a war? However, what is expected of Navalny is not that but unconditional submission and kowtowing. This is clearly a politically suicidal attitude, unless imposed by outside force; which is also admitted by some as the goal.

It's worth pausing on Galeev's tactics. Here he frames Navalny's old gun rights ad as part of a campaign advocating violence. It is unseemly, but the situation with guns in Russia is that they're mainly owned by cops and [ethnic] mafia. The video about deportation of illegals that he opens with is supposed to enrage the same crowd that hyperventilates on Twitter about genocidal Trumpists; it explicitly denounces violence of the sort that Galeev seeks to pin on Navalny for the rest of the thread.

Navalny of that era is a shitposter and an equal opportunity dehumanizer – calling Georgians during the war «rodents» (it's a one letter substitution), depicting ethnic criminals as the Men in Black cockroach, labeling Russian Neo-Nazis «Caries», with solutions being respectively: an HQ missile strike, legalizing guns, and «sanitizing». But also, arguably, he was a deradicalizing force. This trend persists: he offers Russians a way to step back and make amends with a semblance of self-respect.

But that is no good to «Russia experts» from Baltics or Poland who drive these decisions in Washington, nor to peoples near the border. Russia is a historical threat. Therefore, no positive – for Russians – movement ought to be supported, while separatism and all harmful tendencies – including tyranny, corruption, militarism! – aided and exploited. Helping the enemy die is worth the temporary pain, they think.

So even if Navalny miraculously took power and proved to be the opposite of Putin in all ways that matter, he'd still be decried as a tyrant, and likely a worse one. The only good Russian is a dead one; the only good Czar is one who presides over Russian deaths.

He is an extremely rare sort of a political figure – a Russian ethnic nationalist, with necessary civnat aspects. The notion of Russian Nationalism is, in the corner of the world that @Stefferi speaks from, usually conflated with «Russian Imperialism» and just generally «Russian», which is to say, dangerous scum.

Well, this could be a short post – the earlier sentence does explain the latter one, doesn't it? Non-imperial Russian nationalist is, indeed, a rare figure, and a consistently non-imperial one is even rarer. As such, it makes perfect sense in our corner to, indeed, conflate the types. I'm not sure if I remember correctly that you yourself have talked about the marginality of Navalny in current Russia, bu many other Russians certainly have.

However, to start riffing on some other stuff I’ve been thinking about lately… (what else is this forum for than using posts made by others to riff on stuff?), that Krylov quote exactly shows what the problem is. If you're trying to analyze, say, Finnish nationalism, point 1, at least, is flagrantly, fundamentally wrong, or perhaps I just misunderstood it somehow.

Finnish nationalism precisely revolves around the idea that we are on the fringe. The Finnish self-conception, often to the point of ridiculousness, is that we are on the northernly fringe of the world, strange (due to our language, our autistic culture, our peculiar natural features like the nightless night and long winters and cities that look like forest if you fly over them), remote and unimportant. The country that foreign bands pass up when they do their Copenhagen-Stockholm-Oslo tours.

The central point of Finnish nationalism is specifically; we are small, remote, strange and weird but that’s all right, we want to stay that way, that’s what we’ve ever wanted; that is precisely why Finnish nationalism is needed, because if it’s not us working to maintain the existence of the Finnish nation, then who else? Famous former (now-deceased) infantry general Adolf Ehrnrooth put it as “Finland is a good country, it is the best country for us Finns”, and there really is something to that statement, in the sense that that is all that is necessary, nothing more is needed.

I’m not sure if this applies the same way to Baltics (well, Estonians are as fringe as us linguistically, at least), but there’s probably something similar. Just yesterday, I saw (yet another) tweet from Big Serge. I’m not sure if Serge is Russian or a Russophile, but it doesn’t matter, I’ve read the same sentiment from online Russians hundreds of times before. The quote by Kaja Kallas that he’s commenting on appears to be fake, but exactly this sort of shit can’t help but make me momentarily think that maybe it should be a true quote and, moreover, what West ought to be doing.

Yes, if you look at it from the point of view of some supposed greater world-historical purpose, Baltic states are “bereft of a raison d’etre” (lol), but that’s not their point. They very much have a raison d’etre – the existence of Estonians, Latvians and Lithuanians as a nation. And that’s enough!

This is a hard mission enough as it is because they are, as said, weak – and it requires nimble maneuvering, which explains the transience. Likewise, since maintaining the existence of small nations is historically rather an uncertain a thing – as we can see from the fate of most of the Fenno-Ugric nations inside Russia, for instance, a number of them dead and others dying – there must sometimes, indeed, be close cooperation, indeed subservience to, larger nations. Russians always talk of this like it’s some sort of an own. It’s just a fact of life.

For instance, if one looks at Finnish historiography, it involves Finland being a part of Sweden, a part of the Russian Empire, several co-operations with Germany with varying levels of adviceability and now an oncoming NATO membership. All of these had their positive and negative sides. However, in the end, the Finnish nation has survived, indeed thrived, so in some sense, a mission has been accomplished. None of these eras were sufficient to destroy the Finnish nation, and at time tactical side-switching saved the nation.

What makes Russia so dangerous, from our perspective is precisely the idea that Russian nationalism (imperialism, whatever – there really is little difference, there’s so many times that scratching a Russian communist or a nationalist or a liberal demonstrates the same thought pattern) seems almost completely unable to accept or even conceive of this idea – that some nation might not be part of some great world-historical mission and might just be concerned with existing.

There’s no other way to explain why the mere existence of Baltic states seems to turn so many Russian nationalists so mad. Why would they want to be so puny and small? It’s just about wanting to feel powerful, isn’t it? Why are they so eager to cooperate with the United States, even though United States is also a big, and has messianic mission to match? (Well, duh, if there’s some state you need to co-operate with, why not choose the top dog? Especially when it’s far away, but still close enough to the closer aggressive middle dog for the middle dog to be scared enough to keep from doing some things?)

Of course, America has a messianic mission of its own, and that’s not unproblematic. For the time being, though, this messianic mission involves maintaining the current world-order, with its commitment (at least nominally) to things like small nations existing and borders of the nations not getting moved against their will and so on. The current world-order might be unfair and based on smoke and mirrors, but it’s still the best one we’ve got, as far as our national mission of survival is concerned. It allows for the normal, ie. current, ie. the one we like, state of affairs to continue.

There’s a lot of Russians (and others) who claim that this is all just stupid, naïve, ignorant, not the way the world works, the strong shall still continue to eat the weak etc. Let’s just say that the people saying this stuff, like Serge, haven’t had a particularly good track record in predicting how things have been turning out lately.

I guess that more than anything, we’d want Russia to be “normal” the same way. Democratic and liberal, yes, would be nice, but above all just a country that is content just being a middle-strength power that respects the borders of the other countries and where even a country with a large Russian minority on its borders might relax for a moment and not be on a constant lookout.

The 90s might have been shit for Russians, but they at least represented an effort by the national leadership to present an image of such normality, if one squinted a bit, at least. The Russian liberals have generally been the faction most likely to claim this is what they want –they’re very inconsistent about it, even the consistent ones don’t the impression they still quite get why this is important, but it’s a start. Navalny’s 15 points were good, we’ll see if he continues on the same lines.

Of course, expecting Russian liberals to get stronger – or promising Russian types to not fall to the familiar imperial patterns at a moment’s notice – has not typically led to joy and satisfaction, and it’s that crushing of expectations, again and again and again, which makes supporting separatism more attractive. The thought just comes to mind – maybe Russia just is too big. Like, too big on the map. Maybe it’s impossible for a country that big to really understand smaller countries. One looks at a globe, one sees all that landmass, one starts getting ideas. Maybe, eventually, a new Muscovy – without Siberia, without Caucasus, without a bunch of other regions – might understand.

I think this is foolish and a total Russian collapse would contain eminent dangers for Finland, Europe and the world (and, goes without saying, untold human damage to Russians themselves), but I understand where the thinking comes from.

This may be true of the west that the only good Russian is a dead Russian but there’s never been a Russian that tried to be friends for long. Maybe a couple years in the ‘90s. There’s just way too much continuous conquest from Russia. If Russia tried to bend the knee militarily then it would be a different discussion but that hasn’t happened. Everyone else has done that. No one in the Baltics or Poland is going to look at their own history or at pics from Ukraine and Syria and have any other opinion.

The west wouldn’t want a full Russian disarmament with China right there but a significant military disarmament would be interesting.

I have no idea if Navalny is good or bad. I have no problem with patriotism and loving your nation. The issue to me is if his goals would still include colonial possession and domination of neighbors.

I have so many questions about the Westernists you mention in your post. How did people like Eikhenwald's family go from Bolsheviks to Westernists? Are they sympathetic to the late Soviet Union or just the early Soviet Union? Where did it go wrong in their viewpoint, was it when Stalin died? Or was it the 1937 purge? Or the fall of the USSR?

I pity Marx: his legacy

fell into the Russian font

Where ends justified the means

And means shat on the ends.

– The legendary dissident poet Igor Guberman

Please Inform comrade Stalin that there has happened a monstrous mistake!

– popular paraphrase of the 2nd NKVD head Nikolai Yezhov's words on his trial

Bluntly: yes, they think it was all going perfectly well, or at least there was no credible indication of the opposite, until Stalin got possessed by the inherent Russian reactionary spirit and started purging them.

People are driven by status and animosity. While their individual and dynastic power and prestige rose, they were assured of the morality of Communism and the wretchedness of its enemies. Their prestige was rising, in large part, due to extermination of Imperial era elites, mainly middle and higher-class Russians and Germans. Seething provincial mediocrities or outright lumpens overnight became intellectuals, lauded creators, and inept but inimitably cruel managers of a great enslaved human mass.

Galkovsky:

A sleight of hand is committed: the Soviet intelligentsia is contrasted with the Soviet authorities. In reality, the relationship was different: the Russian people and the Jewish upper classes, which, in turn, were divided into the petty bourgeoisie, the intelligentsia and the powers that be – roughly speaking, the Russian village and the Jewish city. At the same time, the connection between the remnants of the Russian urban classes and the Jewish intelligentsia was much weaker than the connection between the Jewish intelligentsia and the Jewish bureaucracy. The latter were simply relatives (cf. Mandelstam's family). They were "their own".

Osip Mandelstam's wife Nadezhda Mandelstam-Khazina admitted with brazen naivety [while proving her dissident creds]: «We all 'went to someone'. Pilyniak went to the Yezhovs, my husband and I 'went' to Nikolai Ivanovich Bukharin. […] We still belonged to a privileged class, albeit of the second rank. … Sometimes Mandelstam was mistaken for one of their own, and he, too, received a gobbet. From '20 until his arrest in May '34 we received our groceries at a lavish distributor, where there was an advertisement at the cash register: Narodovtsy served out of turn»*.

Bunin wrote on the victory of the Revolution in Moscow:

«All obstacles, all barriers divine and human have fallen - the victors freely took possession of her, every street, every dwelling and were already hoisting their banner over her stronghold and sanctuary, over the Kremlin. And there was no day in my whole life more terrible than this day, - God knows, indeed so! … Left alone at night, naturally being quite disinclined to tears, I finally cried, and wept such terrible and abundant tears, which I could not even imagine.»

And this is how Nadezhda Mandelstam met the Revolution:

«We (a group of young artists) got pelted with piles of cheap Kievan roses, and we came out of the theatre with huge heaps… We were busy, then with theatre productions, then with posters, and it seemed to us that life was playing and boiling … my little herd was to the left of the left. The boys loved Mayakovsky's 'Left March' and no one doubted that he had a drum instead of a heart. We yelled rather than talked, and were very proud that we were sometimes given night passes and walked the streets at forbidden hours.»

Bunin wept in Moscow, and Mandelstam laughed in Kiev. (She made «garlands of fruit-like phalluses» for the revolutionary theatre there, with Isaac Rabinovitch). This is youth. «The morning greets us with a chill». Not just physiological youth, but a metaphysical one: Russia's new elite.

Of course, Mandelstam's life also developed quite tragically, but the Russian Soviet tragedy and the Jewish Soviet tragedy are very different (even chronologically). It is only now that everything merges and gets confused in the past. The text of the play has been lost and all that is known is that at some point Prince Hamlet and his uncle die.

While immoral Slavic thugs like Yezhov of Molchanov who reached the top were uprooted individuals and lost the plot completely, perishing in gulags or dissolving back into the commoner class – Jews like Mandelstams or the Eichenwald/Gorb family and, to a degree, other active minorities quickly rolled back to their ethnic solidarity. Thus, disillusionment and gradual pivot into «human rights activism», tryhard dissident poems and such.

Same happened, with nary a lag, to their fellow travelers on the West, like Arthur Koestler, Richard Hofstadter and other «thinkers». Many in the public sphere, however, remained wedded to Socialism, just without Russian (and Georgian) shit. Completely uneducable fools like Jean-Paul Sartre even remained pro-Stalin.

I've translated pieces from another memoir not long ago, one of a Fields medal winner Sergei Novikov. I'll add a bit more, straight from the opening pages; it's an interesting contrast to Eichenwald's narrative, touching on the pre-1937 period – and to the current American «coalition of the fringes» dynamic. There's plenty of such reports, just not promoted like those of «dissidents», and my own family stories, which I am unwilling to share, corroborate as well.


My father Peter Sergeevich Novikov (1901-1975) was a renowned mathematician, famous for his ability to solve unusually difficult problems. His famous works (chronologically) relate to Descriptive Set Theory, Inverse Newtonian Gravity Problem, Mathematical Logic, Algorithm Theory and Combinatorial Group Theory. He descended from a Moscow merchant family: his great-grandfather the merchant Podyakov went bankrupt, but his five sons made a fortune building Orthodox churches around the Kerzhenets and Vetluga Rivers, probably after driving out the Old Believer teachers from there. They (the sons) were nicknamed "Noviks" there. They returned to Moscow. Their children were already Novikovs. Of these, Sergei Novikov - my grandfather - lost all his property with the arrival of the Bolsheviks (1917). His eldest son, my father, was drafted into the Red Army from the University; his youngest son Boris too, but later. Boris shot himself in the army. Apparently, his psyche could not endure the hardships of those "Cursed Days" [Bunin's diary book]. My father, on the other hand, served in Taganrog, where the army played the role of police. He told amusing stories.

A new «policeman» joined them, a career beggar. It was a hungry time. The new member of the squad suggested the following: let someone take turns leading him around town, going into houses with «look, we don't have food for this convict. Give him something if you can». Then he would share it with the guide of the day. Father's turn came. They went to a house and he was horrified to see that their company commander's family was living there. But it was alright: the man was not present, and his wife shared. They were mainly fighting moonshine there – partly via consuming it.

In 1922 my father got tired of waiting and deserted, as many did then. The whole regiment packed his stuff for him: «Petya is leaving to study». He went back to Moscow, to the University, to PhysMath. At times, he got weeded out as being of «non-proletarian origins» - but the campaign subsided, and he returned. There were also raids on deserters; they went to hide in the Alexandrovsky Garden. Finally he was caught and put on trial. His friends told him that the Bolsheviks loved talent. There is a professor who is ready to help everyone. (I wish I knew who it was.) – ask him, he'll give a glowing review; go to court with it. That's what my father did. Got 3 years probation, but released from the army. Immediately after Lenin's death, the new regime abolished the «Dry Law» and all deserter's convictions too. […] In those years, when my uncle shot himself and their father died of grief, father stayed with their mother. […]

After Lenin's death, the Jews were squeezed out little by little, starting at the top of Bolshevism. This process was a long one. Their expulsion from the punitive organs was completed in 1949, during the struggle against cosmopolitanism. The Bolsheviks spread the false message that they had given equal rights to Jews and other peoples. In fact, equal rights were given by the February Revolution. Many Jewish Mensheviks and SRs were elected to the Constituent Assembly in 1917e, for example. Bolsheviks disbanded it; they had only 13% of the vote. What is true is that Lenin and Trotsky, shortly after the October coup in 1918, called for «peoples oppressed under Tsarism» to take power. The Latvians, the Chinese (there were many of them in Russia, then Stalin evicted them), the Jewish community, excluding the rich and rabbis, as my Jewish friends told me, and a number of other ethnic groups - all joined the commissars, the ideological and punitive bodies – Cheka, Revolutionary Military Councils … It was a mighty force. My student Andrey Maltsev made an interesting historical observation. Please note that the “voluntary” going to work on weekend was then called Subbotnik. Why? Christians have always worked on Saturdays. The answer is simple. Apparently it was aimed at Bolshevik Jews, a symbol that they were renouncing their rabbis and sticking to the Party. In our era of late Bolshevism, the source of this has been forgotten; often Subbotnik was already called Voskresnik [Sundaywork]. The White gentry saw the Bolshevik power as Jewish. An Orthodox Jewish friend of mine once expressed to me his dismay that there were many Jews there. But in fact they were called, promised, «This is your power…» - so they rushed to it, as they should have. And then, in the next stages that started after Lenin's death, they were thrown out.

So it went.

Bonus @6tjk:

Throughout that period there were portraits of Marx, Lenin and Trotsky hanging everywhere. The quarrel between the two leaders began in 1921-1922. The Lenin-Trotsky revolution cost our people at least 10 million lives between 1917 and 1922. The destruction of the entire order and economy, civil war, hunger, military communism and mass disease were followed by uprisings, which were brutally suppressed. The Antonov uprising of the peasants was gassed by Tukhachevsky. The revolt of the Kronstadt garrison particularly spooked them, Lenin and Trotsky decided to manoeuvre and temporarily return to a market economy, introducing the NEP. They tore off the gilded roofs of churches and created fixed ruble. […] As a result of disagreements with Lenin in 1921-22rr. Trotsky found himself isolated among the Bolshevik upper class. Shortly after Lenin's death, Trotsky fell. The renowned monarchist Shulgin came secretly to the USSR in search of traces of his disappeared son; I have read his books describing these visits. In his book «Moscow, 1925» he quotes this anti-Semitic White Guard poem about Lenin's death: «To the noise of honks and cries of Jews they bury the new Messiah. And the grateful Rossiya, to the thunder of cannons and mortars, flushed Lenin down the latrine».[…]

My father entered his PhD program in 1927. This was the first year when new postgrads were not sent abroad. The old ones were still going – by the way, not with Bolsheviks' funding. Rockefeller and other patrons were paying. The process of building the Iron Curtain was gradual. A new phase of intense revolution came in 1929. This is nothing but a «permanent» revolution, in following with the teaching of Trotsky; Stalin destroyed Trotsky and changed the terminology, but certainly believed in his theory, as the facts show. He implemented its bloody aspects, hidden behind beautiful general formulations, with cold calculation. Collectivisation. Trials of the intelligentsia. The admission of only «record workers» to the universities. Teaching illiterate people for 8 hours a day – you had to work «like workers». This went on until 1933, when there was a particularly terrible famine in the countryside. My father told me that corpses could sometimes be seen right from the train, especially in Ukraine and other agricultural areas. This period could hardly have cost the country less than 10 million people in total. We must add to the victims of the, as they now say, Holodomor kulaks and sub-kulaks who were resettled into intolerable conditions and died there gradually; as well as the millions of street children who mysteriously disappeared. The then widely publicised orphanages were set up under the auspices of the NKVD. They were the subject of glowing moral writings and brilliant films, but it is unlikely that the orphanages accommodated more than a few tens of thousands before 1935. No one knows where the orphans who filled undersides of the cities suddenly went.

The Keldysh family and its history deserve special attention. The most conscientious and complete historical information is collected in the article of my aunt Vera Vsevolodovna Maykopar-Keldysh. (see [1]) This article was written for the 90th anniversary of her brother Mstislav (1911-1978) and reprinted in the collection for his centenary.

This family descends from Foma Simeonovich Keldysh, who was a low-ranking Orthodox clergyman in a church in Warsaw (a sacristan), in the second quarter of the 19th century. He married Aleksandra Josifovna Michomlom in 1839. Legend has it that she spoke little Russian, with an accent (I wonder which one?). Among their children was Mikhail Fomich Keldysh (ox.1840-1920).

(Mikhail had brothers, as we have now discovered on the internet. […] Motchane, founder of the Institute of Mathematics near Paris, IHÉS, left Red Russia in the early 20s. His family was (or became) wealthy in France. He was influential in post-war France as an active member of the resistance against the Germans. I remember him well in the IHÉS. He was about 90 years old and liked to recall St. Petersburg, the name Leningrad he did not recognize, asked me about his nephew, the famous theoretical physicist Ales Anselm. He had once told my Israeli friend Vitaly Milman: We knew the Keldysh family well. We Karaite families knew each other. – This wasn't known in Keldysh family, apparently their grandfather hid it, or maybe Mikhail did. He had a brother in St. Petersburg, Nikolai Fomich, director of a medical hospital. They (Michael and Vsevolod) married noblewomen from military families. Were Foma and Alexandra Karaites? It is possible. By the way, looking around the internet for the surname Keldysh, my wife found Rabbi Vadim Keldysh, now in Berdichev. His ancestors are unknown to us).

Foma became a military doctor, promoted to general. He especially distinguished himself during the conquest of Central Asia, and allegedly compiled valuable medical notes. His appearance in the photos is not of the Russian type. He married a real noblewoman, N.N.Brusilova, a cousin of the famous future General Brusilov. […] Trotsky took Brusilov to plan operations. His position - chief of a special meeting under the Commander-in-Chief - I learned from an address by Lenin, Trotsky, Kalinin, S.S. Kamenev and Brusilov (with the title above) to the soldiers and officers of the White Army in 1920. This was before the assault on Crimea (see [3]): «Come over to our side, we will accept you into the Army». Then everyone was shot. After Lenin's death, Stalin arrested Brusilov, but not for long. Apparently he quickly realised that Brusilov was far removed from Trotsky and politics in general. He was released and sent off to die in Karlsbad. There he made excuses, writing that his signature was forged. […]

M.F. Keldysh died in 1920, reportedly in Crimea. He had several children. Two were officers (Iga and Giga). They were taken into the Red Army in the Civil War and disappeared. Apparently they went over to the Whites. A trace of one of them was found in Paris after World War II, in the 1950s and 60s. His French widow somehow found out about his relatives in the USSR: She needed their renunciation of their inheritance and it was given to her.

Two children – a daughter Ksenia and a son Vsevolod – lived in the USSR. They resembled their mother in appearance and were fair-skinned. We are descended from Vsevolod Mikhailovich Keldysh (1878-1965). He was an outstanding civil engineer, the founder of concrete construction in our country. Khrushchev recalls him in his memoirs. He became a professor in Riga before World War I. In 1915, he was evacuated to Ivanovo-Voznesensk (the Bolsheviks removed the word Voznesensk [Ascension Town] from its name). In 1921, he received a rather large (due to 7 children in the family) semi-basement flat in Moscow, behind the Museum of Fine Arts, in the side street that was then called Antipievsky. There he lived with his family until the end of his life in 1965. I knew this flat very well. His university and department became a military institution in the 1930s. His first military rank was that of Lieutenant Colonel. He became a General and a member of the Party during the Second World War. Even in the early 1930s he grumbled that nothing would work out for the Bolsheviks. His wife, my grandmother, was arrested around 1933-34, when Yagoda was the head of NKVD. They thought they were hiding a treasure and wanted to take it away. Then they let them go, disappointed. I don't know the details. In 1953-54 I saw him as a Stalinist, gradually turning into a Khrushchevist. In the 30s, however, he had the courage to help arrested students. He never talked about his kinship with Brusilov, about his disappeared brothers, as if he was afraid of that. Their generation was afraid of everything - not without reason. There was much to be afraid of.

V.M. Keldysh married my grandmother Maria Aleksandrovna Skvortsova […] in 1903.

[…] Misha was a graduate student of history, chattering recklessly. He must have hurt Stalin's feelings too. Lèse-majesté in the case file was the worst case, but it did not get recorded in the court opinion. He was arrested in 1938 and disappeared. Apparently he starved to death «there».

And finale:

Alexander had the genius for mathematics. Alas, he despised science, especially pure math, as many did in the 20s (including their father, an engineer): 'you are too far removed from life,' he would say. His career as a theatre administrator did not go well. He was arrested during Yezhovshchina period, with grave accusations, and was awaiting trial. Luckily for him, Yezhov was declared insane and shot at the end of 1938, as it became known much later. He got replaced by the new «liberal» NKVD Minister (i.e. Commissar) Beria, who was allowed to stop the arrests. The new investigator removed heavy charges and put the case on trial with only the charge of anti-Semitism. Shura had two wives. The second one (Aunt Dina) I knew well – she was a pretty lady. Both Jewish. The things one can say when fighting with loved ones! At the trial, his first wife was a witness, and testified that he was not an anti-Semite. He was acquitted. His children by both wives were successful; both son and daughter became PhDs. Son Seva, named after his grandfather Vsevolod, became a good literary critic; daughter Marina became a doctor of agricultural sciences. Uncle Shura was painfully jealous of Mstislav's success, it was hard to watch. He probably thought he could have done just as well if he had made the same choice.

Yuri's fate is curious. He became a professor of musicology, a party lapdog. His wife Aunt Sima was ugly - as ugly as Jewish women can be; he was ugly too. But both his daughters Tania (1931- 1999?) and Lara (1937) were attractive. He attacked Shostakovich and other "modernists". Quarrelled with my father over Hungary'56.

Thank you for the reading. I always enjoy your translations.

I was hoping you would chime in with something like this! Very interesting. I don't think I had really understood before the distinction you make between Russian Nationalists and Russian Imperialists. It makes a lot sense.

I don't think I had really understood before the distinction you make between Russian Nationalists and Russian Imperialists. It makes a lot sense.

Imperial mindset is nothing exclusive to Russia - European countries, including ones known as the most liberal today, fought hard to keep their empires for pure "national honor".

And this was far from unpopular at this time - remember this guy known as founding father of anti elitist anti intellectual small gubmint populism?

Guess what he thought about the issue of his day, the desperate attempt of France to save remains of her greatness?

To justify his support for the Algerian War, Poujade declared in 1956 to Time Magazine:

Big Wall Street syndicates found incredibly rich oil deposits in the Sahara, but instead of exploiting the discovery, they capped the wells and turned the Algerians against us...All this is a great diabolic scheme to dismember France. Already the Saar is gone, and soon the Italians will want Corsica...As for those who are against us, I need only say: let them go back to Jerusalem. We'll even be glad to pay their way."[2]

No need for taxes to keep our grand world Empire! It could pay for itself, super profits would flow if not for these dastardly Yanks and Yooz.

There are still people in the West looking back to the past greatness, but overwhelming majority moved on. No reason why Russia couldn't move on too.